Well, I´ve just come back from Lithuania, the largest and most southern of the three Baltic Republics. Which is a gorgeous country with hospitable people and beer that even impressed the German in me by the way .
Lithuanians would take you, when asking questions like that, probably to the square at the TV tower of the capital Vilnius, where a memorial to the victims of a soviet massacre in 1991 stands, Vilnius own "Bloody Sunday". When soldiers drove tanks into a protesting crowd and started shooting. In eastern Berlin they would have been concerned about the West taking action, yet in Lithuania ( part of the Soviet Union then) predictably noone cared. Yet the massacre gave the independence movement the boost that it needed to succeed and the same year Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia declared statehood. Today there is a spray painted picture of Trump and Putin cuddling each other well visible on the same square. Needless to say that the US president is not exactly a popular figure in the Baltics.
After that visit they might take you to the "Museum of the genocide" as well. Which is not a museum to the Holocaust ( that was also very, very brutal in the Baltics), but to the Lithuanians own genocide--inflicted on them by Soviet Russia. Deportations to soviet Gulags, crushing, often outright murder of the countrys intellectual elite, scorched earth tactics in the anti-soviet Guerilla war that Lithuanians waged well into 1953 f.e.. Stalin destroyed the first republic of Lithuania in 1940, was driven off by german forces shortly afterwards to return with brutal force in 1944/45. Yes, plenty of Lithuanians supported german rule. At least they considered the Germans to be the lesser evil to the Soviet Union. Which was also history - related : Imperial Germany had stood by the cradle of the first lithuanian republic in 1918. And yes, the general idea in Berlin was to "create" a loyal satellite AND to push Russia back, already exactly a century ago. The Russian are not completely off the mark to sense a certain historical continuity. Yet for Lithuanians picking and stripping off changing entanglements with their bigger neighbors was their strategy to ensure national and political survival over centuries as a small nation. Already from the historical beginnings, when a certain King Mindaugas (13th century), the last pagan ruler of Europe, faced with teutonic tradesmen and knights, Russians and Mongols, not to forget Poland to the south, that hasn´t always been a friend either, all gnawing at his territory, invited papal delegates from Rome to baptize him. Becoming christian can be assumed to have been a tactical move, since it allowed him to pick alliances with one neighbour against another and by playing that game skillfully to neutralize the numerous threats to his country. Under Mindaugas and several of his successors the state actually grew and incorporated territories today belonging to Belarus, Ukraine, Poland and Russia, it attracted immigrants ( like many intellectual Jews fleeing persecution in western Europe, german settlers and italian craftsmen). Yet from the 15th century on the nation came increasingly under polish influence ( through noble/dynastical intermarriages at first), With the two crowns becoming united ( think of England/Scotland). And since Poland was divided up between Russia, Austria-Hungary and Prussia in the late 1700s, Lithuania shared Polands fate.
Lithuanias geographical position, right where the interests of bigger powers collide, has often been a curse, but it has also enriched its cultural heritage. Scandinavians, Germans, Russians, also Jews and Vikings have left their traces in the country over centuries, in monuments, in cuisine, in arts, architecture and on other fields. Yet Lithuania has also always been a small country in the shadow of often hostile bigger ones and the search for powerful friends has been one of the common traits of lithuanian foreign policy, sometimes more, sometimes less sucessful. And Lithuanians have always considered themselves a part of Europe. The East was usually considered a place where threats came from, not a point of desire. And yes, that makes de-escalation with Russia rather difficult.
There was hope and optimism that NATO and EU membership had resolved the countrys geopolitically precarious position. That optimism , often linked to George W. Bushs speech in Vilnius 2002, in that he said "Whoever makes an enemy of Lithuania also makes an enemy of the US" has evaporated.( Lithuania also sent troops to Iraq as a sign of gratitude)
It is probably fair to say that the actually very pro-american Lithuanians have given up on Trump.( The "suburbs of St. Petersburg" are taken as a not so subtle hint that the US president would be willing to sacrifice them for "good deals with Putin". Who has called their independence a "mistake"). So besides arming, general draft, fortifying the border with Russia, Lithuanians are mainly putting their hopes on Germany ( that is building up a military presence in their country and leads the NATO mission).
Yet beyond military deterrence ( and in Lithuanias case signalling Russia the cost of an incursion in the Baltics is completely reasonable) one obviously also needs a political strategy for the reapproachement between the nations and between Europe and Russia as a whole. At least long-term. Preferrably in the form a security pact that involves Russia. Yet that is probably a broader debate.